pp. 55-56

§1. Relations with the Mughals up to 1657. For many years after his first assertion of independence, Shivaji carefully maintained peace with the Mughals. For one thing, his power was not yet secure, and it would have been the height of folly to provoke both Bijapur and Delhi at the same time. Secondly, from 1653 onwards Mughal Deccan was governed by Prince Aurangzib with singular efficiency and vigour, and his neighbours rightly dreaded giving him any offence. When Aurangzib was involved in war with Golkonda (January-March 1656), Shivaji was too busy organising his conquests in Javli and the northern Ratnagiri district to raid Mughal territory during that Prince's absence from his charge. On the death of Muhammad Adil Shah (4 Nov. 1656), Aurangzib began active preparations for the invasion of Bijapur, and tried to seduce as many Adil-Shahi nobles and vassals as he could. Shivaji then wrote a letter to Multafat Khan, the Mughal governor of Ahmadnagar, offering to join the imperialists if his desires were granted. To this a conciliatory reply was given, in accordance with Aurangzib's policy of "keeping the path of correspondence with him open." An envoy from Shiva approached Aurangzib directly at Aurangabad and reported his demands. The Prince replied in "reassuring and friendly terms, so as to make him more devoted to the imperial cause than before." (Adab. 144b, 145b.) This correspondence seems to have passed in December 1656 or the next month, though the letter to Multafat Khan may have been written as early as the preceding August.

pp. 56-57

§2. Shivaji's first raid into Mughal Deccan. Shivaji had evidently demanded that the Mughal Government should take him under its protection and legalise his usurpations of Bijapur territory. The vague promises of favour and protection made by the Prince could not satisfy him. Even a less astute man than he must have known that such promises would amount to nothing in practice when the need of the imperialists would be over. So, when the war broke out, Bijapur made a higher bid and induced Shivaji to make a diversion by raiding the south-western corner of Mughal Deccan, while Aurangzib's forces were concentrated at the siege of Bidar, beyond his south-eastern frontier. Two Maratha leaders, Minaji Bhonsla at the head of 3,000 horse, and Kashi, crossed the Bhima and plundered the Mughal villages in the Chamargunda and Raisin subdivisions respectively, late in March 1657. They carried devastation and alarm to the very gates of Ahmadnagar, the most notable city in Mughal Deccan. (Kambu, 3o; Adab. 148a.)

p. 57

While Minaji was raiding the Ahmadnagar district in the east, Shivaji was busy looting the Junnar subdivision in the north. One night he silently scaled the walls of Junnar city with rope-ladders and after slaughtering the guards, carried off 300,000 hun in cash, 200 horses, and much costly clothing and jewellery. (Sabh. 8; Adab. 153k.) The success of the Maratha raiders was due to the negligence of the local Mughal officers (as the Delhi historian Kambu asserts) and probably also to their military weakness. Aurangzib, on hearing of these disturbances, censured the thanahdars and poured reinforcements into the Ahmadnagar district.

pp. 57-58

§3. Aurangzib's defensive measures. Nasiri Khan, Iraj Khan and some other officers at the head of 3,000 cavalry were ordered there. Rao Karn, who was coming from Aurangabad to Bidar, was diverted from the way to the same place. Shaista Khan was ordered to detach 1,000 men from his contingent there. But Nasiri Khan's movements were provokingly slow. On 30th April he entered the parganah of Bir and four days later marched towards Ashti. Thus, there was a great delay in his going to Ahmadnagar and Junnar, expelling the enemy, and ravaging Shivaji's territory, as ordered by Aurangzib. (Kambu, 3o; Adab. 147a, 153a, 154b.)

p. 57

* Bir (or Bid) is 68 m. e. and Ashti is 35 m. s. e. of Ahmadnagar. Chamargunda (or Shrigunda) is 33 m. s. of Ahmadnagar. (Ind. At. 39 N. E.) Raisin is 20 m. s. e. of Chamargunda.

p. 58

Meantime, Multafat Khan had issued from the fort of Ahmadnagar and relieved the beleaguered outpost at Chamargunda by defeating Minaji, (28th April.) But the Marathas continued to rove about the parganah for some time longer. However, the retainers of Multafat and Mirza Khan followed up their victory and at last cleared the Chamargunda subdivision. (Adab. 110b, 153b, 154a.)

p. 58

Shivaji had stayed in the Junnar subdivision for some time, robbing the villages, as the Mughal reinforcements were late in arriving there and he found the field clear. But, at the approach of Rao Karn and Shaista Khan, he fled from the neighbourhood of Junnar city and wandered over the district for some time, as he could not be caught and crushed. (Adab. 110b, 111b, 112a.) But when the pressure became great, he slipped away to the Ahmadnagar district and began to plunder it. By this time (end of May), however, Nasiri Khan had reached the scene. By a forced march he surprised Shiva's army and nearly encircled it. Many of the Marathas were slain, many wounded, and the rest put to flight. But there was no pursuit, as the Mughal horses were too tired. (Kambu, 4b; Adab. 154a, 156a.)

pp. 58-59

Aurangzib's letters to Nasiri Khan and other officers breathed fury and revenge; they must beat the raiders back from the imperial dominions and make reprisals by entering Shiva's land from all sides, "wasting the villages, slaying the people without pity, and plundering them to the extreme"; Shivaji's possessions, Puna and Chakan, must be utterly ruined, and not the least remissness shown in slaying and enslaving the people; the village headmen and peasants of the imperial territory who had secretly abetted the enemy, must be slain without pity. (Adab. 147a and b, 148a.)

pp. 59-60

Aurangzib's new dispositions for guarding his south-western frontier showed excellent combination and judgment. Kar Talab Khan was posted near Junnar, Abdul Munim at Garh Namuna, and Nasiri Khan and Rao Karn at Panda "opposite Parenda fort," to guard the Chamargunda, Kara and Ashti parganahs. (Adab. 148b.) These officers stood facing the frontier and barring every path of the enemy's advance, so that the imperial ryots behind them might enjoy safety. The officers were further bidden to make a dash forward across the frontier, whenever they got an opportunity, ravage as much of the enemy's territory in front of them as they could, and then quickly return to the defence of their respective posts. (Adab. 147b.)

p. 59

* Panda (in Pers. text, Pandeh) is 16 m. n. w. of Parenda and 3 m. s. of Karmala. Kara is 9 m. n. w. of Ashti. I have followed Aurangzib's letters (in Adab) above; but Kambu omits Garh Namuna and says that Abdul Munim was posted at Chamargunda. I have failed to trace Garh Namuna, unless it was a name given to the old and ruined outpost at Pedgaon, 8 m. s. of Chamargunda.

p. 60

A Maratha attempt to loot the city of Ahmadnagar was defeated; Multafat Khan, the qiladar of the fort, took effective steps to defend the city at its foot, and removed the property of the inhabitants for greater safety within the fort. (Adab. 148b.)

pp. 60-61

After Nasiri Khan's victory over Shiva in the Ahmadnagar district, he was ordered by Aurangzib to "pursue the Marathas and extirpate them," (end of May.) But this could not be done. The rains now set in with the full violence of the monsoons, and the campaign had to be closed. Shiva retreated to his own country and the Mughal officers fell back on their appointed stations, watching the frontier. "There was peace in the whole district." (Adab. 156a, 149a.) June, July and August 1657 passed in enforced idleness for the imperial troops. In September the situation was complicated by the illness of Shah Jahan and the preparations for a War of Succession among his sons. Bijapur made peace with the Mughals. But throughout the month of September Aurangzib continued to urge his officers not to relax their vigilance, but hold the S. W. frontier in force, lest Shiva should renew his raids. About the middle of October he wrote to the governor of Ahmadnagar to take care of the city and keep his troops in readiness, lest when Nasiri Khan went back, Shiva finding the field clear should begin to plunder again. (Adab. 149a, 157b.)

p. 61

§4. Shivaji makes peace with the Mughals. When in September his liege-lord, the king of Bijapur, made peace, Shivaji found it useless and even ruinous to himself to continue the war with the Mughal empire single-handed. He must try to save his patrimony. So, he wrote to Nasiri Khan offering submission, and the Khan replied in a conciliatory tone. Then Shiva, as requested, sent a trusty agent (probably Raghunath Ballal Korde) to the Khan to state his demands. These were reported to Aurangzib (Adab. 156b, 157a); but no definite agreement followed. Shivaji now sent Raghunath Pant to Aurangzib directly. The Prince was just starting on his march to Northern India (25 Jan., 1658) and wrote to Shiva in reply, "Though your offences do not deserve pardon, I forgive you as you have repented. You propose that if you are granted all the villages belonging to your home [i.e., Shahji's old jagir] together with the forts and territory of Konkan, after the imperialists have seized the old Nizam-Shahi territory now in the hands of Adil Shah,—you will send Sona Pandit as your envoy to my Court and a contingent of 500 horse under one of your officers to serve me, and you will protect the imperial frontiers. You are called upon to send Sonaji, and your prayers will be granted." (Parasnis MS., Letter 5.)

p. 62

But while Aurangzib received Shiva's submission with outward pleasure, his mind was not really composed about him. He omitted no precaution to maintain peace in that quarter by force, for he felt convinced that the young Maratha chief was a raider whose daring was only equalled by his cunning, and an ambitious adventurer who would place self-interest above fidelity to his plighted word or gratitude for favours received. He wrote to Mir Jumla (December, 1657), "At Nasiri Khan's departure that district has been left vacant. Attend to it, as the son of a dog is waiting for his opportunity." (Adab. 92a) Adil Shah was thus urged by the Prince: "Protect this country. Expel Shiva who has sneaked into the possession of some forts of the land. If you wish to entertain his services, give him jagirs in the Karnatak, far from the imperial dominions, so that he may not disturb them." (Adab. 163a.) Aurangzib, therefore, left the Deccan without granting peace and pardon to Shivaji. The Mughals also repaired and garrisoned the old and ruined fort of Pedgaon, as a convenient outpost for operations against Puna. (Adab. 157b.) But Shiva was freed from all fear of the Mughals by the War of Succession which kept Aurangzib busy for the next two years, 1658 and 1659.

pp. 62-63

§5. Bijapur plans to subdue Shivaji. After the Mughal invasion of 1657 had rolled back and Aurangzib had marched away to Northern India, the Bijapur Government gained respite and a sudden accession of vigour. True, the old prime-minister, Khan Muhammad, was murdered on a false suspicion of collusion with Aurangzib during the late war; but his successor, Khawas Khan, was an able administrator. The Queen Mother, Bari Sahiba, who virtually ruled the State till her fatal journey to Mecca (1660), was a woman of masterful spirit and experienced in the conduct of business.

p. 63

Freed for the time being from the constant menace of the Mughals on the frontier, the Bijapur Government now began to call its refractory vassals to account. Shahji was asked to punish his rebel son, but he frankly repudiated Shiva as his son and left the Government free to punish him without any consideration for his father's feelings. Measures had, therefore, to be taken for crushing Shivaji by force. (Sabh. 12.) This was, however, no easy task. Shiva's military strength was not despicable; and the Bijapuri nobles shrank from the idea of a campaign among the hills and jungles of the Western Ghats. The command of the expedition against him went abegging at the Bijapur Court, till Afzal Khan accepted it. (Sabh. 13; Chit. 54; Powadas, 6-7; Shed. 24.)

pp. 63-64

§6. Afzal Khan's expedition against Shiva. Abdullah Bhatari, surnamed Afzal Khan, was a noble of the first rank, who had risen to power and honour under the late Sultan of Bijapur. As a general he was of the highest standing in the kingdom, being the peer of Bahlol Khan and Randaula Khan, and had fought with conspicuous bravery and skill in the recent war with the Mughals. But the resources of Bijapur had been crippled by that war and the disorder and impoverishment natural in a regency under a veiled woman. Only 10,000 cavalry* could be spared to accompany Afzal, while popular report had raised the strength of Shiva's Mavle infantry to 60,000 as the result of his conquest of Javli, and he had also enlisted a regiment of valuable Pathan mercenaries from the disbanded soldiery of Bijapur. (Chit. 33; T. S. 15b.) Afzal Khan, therefore, did not prefer an open contest of force with Shiva. Indeed, he was instructed by the Dowager Queen to effect the capture or murder of Shiva by "pretending friendship" with him and offering to secure his pardon from Adil Shah.

p. 64

* This is the strength of Afzal's army as given by contemporaries, viz., Tarikh-i-Ali II. 76 and the English letter quoted in the next note. The Maratha accounts, all very much later, put it at 12,000 cavalry besides infantry. (Powadas, 7, Sabh. 13); 30,000 "including 3,000 Mavles familiar with the locality." (Chit. 54.) In A. N. 577, du hazar is evidently a misprint for dah hazar. The letter in Shed. 25 is a fabrication.

pp. 64-65

† "Against Shivaji the Queen this year sent Abdullah Khan with an army of 10,000 horse and foot, and because she knew with that strength he was not able to resist Shivaji, she counselled him to pretend friendship with his enemy, which he did. And the other [i.e., Shivaji], whether through intelligence or suspicion it is not known, dissembled his love toward him &c." (Factors at Rajapur to Council at Surat, 10 Oct., 1659, F. R. Rajapur.)

pp. 65-66

The Bijapuri general had accepted the command in a spirit of bravado, and even boasted in open Court that he would bring Shiva back a captive without having once to dismount from his own horse. But his mind must have been oppressed by the heaviness of his task. He planned to effect his purpose by a combination of "frightfulness" and diplomacy. From Bijapur the expedition marched due north to Tuljapur, one of the holiest shrines in Maharashtra and the seat of Bhavani, the guardian goddess of the house of Bhonsla. Afzal's strategy was either to make a sweep round Shiva's line of southern fortresses and penetrate to Puna through the exposed eastern flank of the Maratha kingdom, or to provoke Shiva, by a gross outrage on his faith, into coming out of his fastnesses and meeting the Bijapuri army in the open. At Tuljapur he ordered the stone image of Bhavani to be broken and pounded into dust in a hand-mill. (Sabh. 11; Chit. 54; Dig. 157.) Then the news reached him that Shiva had left Rajgarh and betaken himself to Pratapgarh in the south-west. Afzal now gave up the objective of Puna (Chit. 54, Dig. 158), and turned due west towards Pratapgarh.

p. 66

On the way he committed fresh sacrileges on the gods and outrages on the Brahmans at Manikeshwar, Pandharpur and Mahadev (Powadas, 8-9), and in a fortnight reached Wai, 20 miles north of Satara. This last town lay within his fief, and here he halted for some days devising means for luring Shiva out of the hills by diplomacy or capturing him by means of local chieftains. (Dig. 158; Chit. 54.) He wrote to Vithoji Haibat Rao, the deshmukh of Gunjan-maval, to join with his men near Javli and assist the Bijapuri army as directed. Khandoji Khopde, the rival of Kanhoji Zedhe for the deshmukhi of Rohidkhore, waited on Afzal at Wai and gave a written undertaking to arrest and hand over Shiva on condition of being granted the deshmukhi. (Raj. xvii. 31, xv. 393 and 317; Dig. 165; T. S. 16a.)

p. 66

While these plots were being hatched at Wai, Afzal sent his land-steward Krishnaji Bhaskar to Shivaji with a very alluring message, saying, "Your father has long been a great friend of mine, and you are, therefore, no stranger to me. Come and see me, and I shall use my influence to make Adil Shah confirm your possession of Konkan and the forts you now hold. I shall secure for you further distinctions and military equipment from our Government. If you wish to attend the Court, you will be welcomed. Or, if you want to be excused personal attendance there, you will be exempted." (Sabh. 13-14.)

p. 67

§7. Shivaji's danger and perplexity. Meantime, the news of Afzal's coming had caused great terror and perplexity among Shiva's followers. Hitherto they had surprised obscure forts, looted isolated convoys, or fought skirmishes with the small irregular forces of private jagirdars. Here was their first encounter with the regular forces of Bijapur, led by a famous general, and numbering 10,000 with artillery, transport, and all the other material of the best-equipped armies of that age. Moreover, Afzal's march from Bijapur to Wai had been an unbroken success; the Marathas had not ventured to oppose him in the open, and he had freely looted and laid waste the territory of Shiva that he had crossed. (Tarikh-i-Ali II. 76-77.) Tales of his irresistible strength and ruthlessness had reached the Maratha camp. Shivaji's officers naturally shrank from the idea of resistance. At the first council of war which he held, they urged him to make peace, as the enemy was strong and hostilities would only cause a great loss of life to their side. (Sabh. 14; Chit. 55.)

pp. 67-68

This was the most critical moment in the career of Shivaji. If he capitulated to Afzal Khan, all his hopes of independence and future greatness would be gone for ever, and he would have to end his days as a tame vassal of Bijapur, even if he escaped his sovereign's vengeance for his late rebellion. Yet, the open defiance of Bijapur authority now would for ever close the door to reconciliation with that State, and he must be prepared ever afterwards to defend his life and independence against the power of that kingdom and of the Mughals and other enemies, without a single friend or protector to turn to in the wide world. His ministers and generals advocated the more ignoble policy. Shiva himself was in a terrible dilemma. For a night he pondered on his life's choice and then chose the manlier part. A legend, as old as his contemporaries, tells us that the care-worn chieftain's sleep was broken by a vision of the goddess Bhavani who urged him to confront Afzal boldly and promised him victory and her full protection. (Sabh. 14.) His mind was made up.

p. 68

Next morning the council met again. Moved by Shiva's manly words, appeal to their sense of honour, and report of the goddess's blessings, they resolved on war. He now made his dispositions for the contest with the utmost forethought and skill. He took counsel of his mother, who blessed him and foretold his success, and then he left minute instructions for carrying on the government in the event of his being killed. The armies under Moro Trimbak Pingle and Netaji Palkar were summoned from Konkan and the Ghats respectively, and ordered to take post within easy reach of Pratapgarh. (Sabh. 15; Chit. 55, 57-59.)

pp. 68-69

§8. Plots and counter-plots. Then came Afzal's envoy, Krishnaji Bhaskar, with the invitation to a parley. Shiva treated him with respect, and at night met him in secrecy and solemnly appealed to him as a Hindu and a priest to tell him of the Khan's real intentions. Krishnaji yielded so far as to hint that the Khan seemed to harbour some plan of mischief. Shivaji then sent the envoy back with Gopinath Pant, his own agent, agreeing to Afzal's proposal of an interview, provided that the Khan gave him a solemn assurance of safety. Gopinath's real mission was to find out the strength of Afzal's army and other useful information about it and learn for himself what the Khan's real aim was. Through Gopinath Shiva vowed that no harm would be done to Afzal during the interview, and Afzal, on his part, gave similar assurances of his honesty of purpose. But Gopinath learnt by a liberal use of bribes that Afzal's officers were convinced that "he had so arranged matters that Shiva would be arrested at the interview, as he was too cunning to be caught by open fight." (Sabh. 18.) On his return, Gopinath told it all to Shiva and urged him to anticipate the treacherous attack on himself by murdering Afzal at a lonely meeting and then surprising his army. (Sabh. 16-18; Chit. 55-58; Dig. 159-164.)

pp. 69-70

Shiva, taking the hint from Gopinath, feigned terror and refused to visit Wai, unless the Khan met him nearer home and personally promised him safety and future protection. Afzal agreed to make this concession. By Shiva's orders a path was cut through the dense forest all the way from Wai to Pratapgarh and food and drink were kept ready for the Bijapur army at various points of it. By way of the Radtondi pass (below 'Bombay Point' of the Mahabaleshwar plateau), Afzal Khan marched to Par, a village lying one mile below Pratapgarh on the south, and his men encamped there in scattered groups, deep down in the valley near every pool of water at the source of the Koyna. Gopinath was sent up the hill to report the Khan's arrival. The meeting was arranged to take place next day.

pp. 70-71

The place chosen for the interview was the crest of an eminence, below the fort of Pratapgarh, and overlooking the valley of the Koyna. On both sides of the forest-path leading up the hill-side to the pavilion picked soldiers were posted in ambush at intervals by Shivaji. Here he erected tents and set up a richly decorated canopy with gorgeous carpets and cushions worthy of a royal guest. Then he prepared himself for the meeting. Under his tunic he wore a coat of chain armour and below his turban he placed a steel cap for the protection of the skull. What offensive arms he had, nobody could see; but concealed in his left hand was a set of steel claws (baghnakh) fastened to the fingers by a pair of rings, and up his right sleeve lay hidden a thin sharp dagger called the scorpion (bichwa.) His companions were only two, but both men of extraordinary courage and agility,—Jiv Mahala, an expert swordsman, and Shambhuji Kavji, the murderer of Hanumant Rao More. Each of them carried two swords and a shield.

p. 71

As the party was about to descend from the fort a saintly female figure appeared in their midst. It was Jija Bai. Shiva bowed to his mother. She blessed him saying, 'Victory be yours!' and solemnly charged his companions to keep him safe; they vowed obedience. Then they walked down to the foot of the fort and waited.

pp. 71-72

§9. Interview between Shiva and Afzal. Meanwhile Afzal Khan had started from his camp at Par, with a strong escort of more than a thousand musketeers. Gopinath objected to it, saying that such a display of force would scare away Shiva from the interview, and that the Khan should, therefore, take with himself only two bodyguards exactly as Shiva had done. So, he left his troops some distance behind and made his way up the hill-path in a palki accompanied by two soldiers and a famous swordsman named Sayyid Banda, as well as the two Brahman envoys, Gopinath and Krishnaji. Arrived in the tent, Afzal Khan angrily remarked on its princely furniture and decorations as far above the proper style of a jagirdar's son. But Gopinath soothed him by saying that all these rich things would soon go to the Bijapur palace as the first fruits of Shiva's submission.

pp. 72-73

Messengers were sent to hurry up Shiva, who was waiting below the fort. He advanced slowly, then halted on seeing Sayyid Banda, and sent to demand that the man should be removed from the tent. This was done, and at last Shivaji entered the pavilion. On each side four men were present,—the principal, two armed retainers and an envoy. But Shiva was seemingly unarmed,* like a rebel who had come to surrender, while the Khan had his sword at his side. The attendants stood below. Shiva mounted the raised platform and bowed to Afzal. The Khan rose from his seat, advanced a few steps, and opened his arms to receive Shiva in his embrace. The short slim Maratha only came up to the shoulders of his opponent. Suddenly Afzal tightened his clasp, and held Shiva's neck in his left arm with an iron grip, while with his right hand he drew his long straight-bladed dagger and struck at the side of Shiva. The hidden armour rendered the blow harmless. Shiva groaned in agony as he felt himself being strangled. But in a moment he recovered from the surprise, passed his left arm round the Khan's waist and tore his bowels open with a blow of the steel claws. Then with the right hand he drove the bichwa into Afzal's side.

p. 72

* Khafi Khan, ii. 117, states that both Afzal and Shivaji came to the interview unarmed. But "amar wa karda, with no sword girt on the waist," was the customary attitude of the defeated party, so often described in Persian histories.

p. 73

The wounded man relaxed his hold, and Shivaji wrested himself free, jumped down from the platform, and ran towards his own men outside. The Khan cried out, "Treachery! Murder! Help! Help!" The attendants ran up from both sides. Sayyid Banda faced Shiva with his long straight sword and cut his turban in twain, making a deep dint in the steel cap beneath. Shiva quickly took a rapier from Jiv Mahala and began to parry. But Jiv Mahala came round with his other sword, hacked off the right arm of the Sayyid, and then killed him. Meanwhile the bearers had placed the wounded Khan in his palki, and started for his camp. But Shambhuji Kavji slashed at their legs, made them drop the palki, and then cut off Afzal's head, which he carried in triumph to Shiva.*

p. 73

* The head was buried beneath a tower (called Abdullah burj) in an outwork on the south-eastern side of the lower fort. A short distance from it is the temple of Bhavani built by Shivaji. (Bom. Gaz. xix, 546-547.) For illustrations, see Parasnis's Mahabaleshwar, 143 and 144.

pp. 73-74

§10. Afzal's army routed and plundered. Freed from danger, Shivaji and his two comrades then made their way to the summit of Pratapgarh, and fired a cannon. This was the signal for which his troops were waiting in their ambush in the valleys below. At once the armies of Moro Trimbak and Netaji Palkar and the thousands of Mavles rushed on the Bijapuri camp from four sides.

p. 74

Afzal's officers and soldiers alike were panic-stricken at the news of their chief's death and this unexpected attack, in that unknown region, where every bush seemed to be alive with enemies. But the way of escape was closed and they had perforce to fight. For three hours many of the entrapped soldiers made a desperate defence, evidently in isolated groups, without any common plan or superior guidance. The Marathas fought on their own ground, in the full flush of their initial triumph, confident of succour close behind, and led by eminent chiefs. The carnage in the Bijapuri army was terrible. "All who begged quarters holding grass between their teeth were spared, the rest were put to the sword." (3000 men were killed, according to the report that reached the English factory at Rajapur a few days later.) The Mavle infantry hacked at the fleeing elephants, "severing the tails, breaking the tusks, or chopping off the legs." Even camels were cut down as they crossed the path of the assailants.

pp. 74-75

The booty taken was immense: all the artillery, waggons, ammunition, treasure, tents and equipage, transport-cattle and baggage of an entire army, fell into the victors' hands. Among them were 65 elephants, 4,000 horses, 1,200 camels, 2,000 bundles of clothing, and 10 lakhs of Rupees in cash and jewellery. The prisoners included one sardar of high rank, two sons of Afzal, and two Maratha chiefs namely Lambaji Bhonsla and Jhujhar Rao Ghatge. All the captured women and children, Brahmans and camp-followers were immediately released. One section of the beaten army, consisting of Afzal Khan's wives and eldest son, Fazl Khan, escaped round the source of the Koyna, under the guidance of Khandoji Khopde and his 300 Mavle friendlies.*

p. 75

A grand review was held by Shivaji below Pratapgarh. The captured enemy, both officers and men, were set free and sent back to their homes with money, food and other gifts. The Maratha soldiers who had fought so gallantly were rewarded; if the fallen warriors had grown-up sons, they were enlisted in their fathers' places; if otherwise, their widows were given pensions amounting to half their pay. The wounded received rewards ranging from 25 to 200 hun according to the severity of their hurt. The officers were presented with elephants, horses, robes, jewellery and grants of land. (Sabh. 25.)

p. 75

* Meeting with Afzal Khan: Sabh. 19-21; Chit. 60-62; Dig. 165-169; T. S. 16a—17b; A. N. 577; Dilkasha, 19; K. K. ii. 116-118; Rajapur Factory Records; Fryer, ii. 61; Powadas, 12-18; Shed. 29-30. Plunder of his army: Sabh. 23-24; Chit. 62; Dig. 170; T. S. 17b; Powadas, 19-20; Shed. 31-32. Escape of Fazl Khan: Sabh. 24; Chit. 62; Dig. 170-171. Tarikh-i-Ali Adil Shah II., 76-81, contains a maximum of mere words and rhetorical flourishes but few facts. B. S. 352 is even more meagre in details, but concise. Chit. 62 says that Khandoji Khopde was beheaded by Shivaji; Dig. 171.

p. 76

§11. Legends about Afzal Khan. The tragic fate of Afzal Khan has most profoundly stirred the popular imagination in his own country and in that of his enemy. At his village of Afzalpura, close to Bijapur city, the gloomy legend sprang up that before starting on this fatal expedition, he had a premonition of his coming end, and killed and buried his wives, lest they should share another's bed after his death. The peasants still point to the height from which these hapless victims of man's jealousy were hurled into a deep pool of water, the channel through which their drowned bodies were dragged out with hooks, the place where they were shrouded, and the 63 tombs, of the same shape, size and age, standing close together in regular rows on the same platform, where they were laid in rest. Utter desolation has settled on the spot. Where his mansion once stood with its teeming population, the traveller now beholds a lonely wilderness of tall grass, brambles and broken buildings, the fittest emblem of his ruined greatness. The only form of life visible is the solitary bird, startled by the unwonted presence of a human visitor.* Other traditions tell us that ill-omen dogged his steps from the very outset of his campaign against Shivaji. (Shed. 24; Powadas, 7, 11.)

p. 76

* This was the appearance of Afzalpura when I visited it in Oct., 1916.

p. 77

§12. Ballad of Afzal Khan. Among the Marathas the destruction of Afzal Khan caused the wildest exultation; it marked the dawn of their national independence. The defeat of Bijapur was complete: the chief had fallen, his army had ceased to exist, and the victory, both in respect of carnage and of booty, was the most complete possible. The incident caught hold of the public imagination of Maharashtra as the most glorious event in the history of the race. Soon a ballad was composed by the wandering bards (gondhalis) which expanded the contest into a Homeric duel with all its details and supernatural adjuncts. Every class of Marathas, from the officers of Shambhuji's Court to the soldiers in their camps and the peasants in their hamlets, welcomed the minstrel and crowded together to listen to this story of the first triumph of their national hero, set forth with graphic details which made the whole scene live before their eyes. The short ringing lines of the ballad (powada) almost reproduce the tramp of the soldiery, the journeys of the rival chiefs, their meeting, the exchange of taunts, the death-grapple, and the triumph of the Maratha army. As the bard's narrative passes rapidly from stage to stage of the whole contest, the audience follow him with breathless attention; their blood courses in unison with the verses, and they are wound up to a high pitch of excitement as the spirit of the actual march or fight catches them.

pp. 77-78

To the Marathas the fight with Afzal has always appeared as at once a war of national liberation and a crusade against the desecrator of temples. To them Afzal Khan typifies the bold bad man, who combines treachery with frightfulness, and defies God and man alike. Their historians from the earliest times have seen no element of murder in the incident, but always described it as a glorious example of the sagacity, courage and agility with which their national hero averted a treacherous plot against his own life, made the treachery recoil on the plotter's head, and avenged the outraged shrines of their gods. Shivaji's laureate, Bhushan, calls the slaughter of Afzal a righteous deed of retribution like the slaughter of the licentious ruffian Kichak by Bhim in single combat. A very late legend regards it as a blood-feud waged by Shiva for the treacherous slaughter of his elder brother Shambhuji by the qiladar of Kanakgiri at the instigation of Afzal Khan. (Dig. 61-62; Chit. 23; Powadas, 15.)*

p. 78

* Is the remark "As he slew Shambhuji," ascribed to Shivaji in Sabh. 14, an interpolation? That history is otherwise absolutely silent about Shivaji's elder brother and totally ignores him.

pp. 78-79

Flushed with their victory over Afzal Khan (September, 1659) and the destruction of his army, the Marathas poured into South Konkan and the Kolhapur district, capturing the fort of Panhala, defeating another Bijapuri army, and making extensive conquests (Oct., 1659—Feb., 1660), which will be described in Chapter X. But in the April following, Shivaji was recalled by a dangerous attack on his own dominions by a combination of enemies.

p. 79

APPENDIX II. Affair of Afzal Khan. Was the slaying of Afzal Khan a treacherous murder or an act of self-defence on the part of Shivaji? No careful student of the sources can deny that Afzal Khan intended to arrest or kill Shivaji by treachery at the interview. The absolutely contemporary and impartial English factory record (Rajapur letter, 10 Oct. 1659) tells us that Afzal Khan was instructed by his Government to secure Shivaji by "pretending friendship with him" as he could not be resisted by armed strength, and that the latter, learning of the design, made the intended treachery recoil on the Khan's head. This exactly supports the Marathi chronicles on the point that Shivaji's spies learnt from Afzal's officers of the Khan's plan to arrest him by treachery at the pretended interview, and that Afzal's envoy Krishnaji Bhaskar was also induced to divulge this secret of his master.

pp. 79-80

Who struck the first blow at the interview? The old Maratha chroniclers (as distinct from the English-educated 20th century apologists of the national hero) all assert that it was Afzal. These genuine old historians never shrink from charging Shivaji with murder or treachery whenever they know him to be really guilty. They wrote long before Grant Duff's book had roused public indignation against Shivaji's alleged murder of an invited guest. It is, therefore, impossible to contend that the story of Afzal having struck the first blow was an invention of the modern Marathas after English education had wakened their conscience to the enormity of pre-meditated political murders. Sabhasad (1694) and Chitnis (1810) at least cannot be suspected of any design to whitewash their hero's character by falsifying history. In saying that Afzal struck the first blow, they truly record a genuine old tradition and not a modern nationalist invention.

p. 80

The point is further supported by Shivaji's letter to Ramdas in which he says that he gained strength by uttering the name of his guru while he was feeling himself being strangled in Afzal's grip. A disembowelled man cannot give his adversary a deadly hug, and therefore Afzal was unwounded when he seized Shivaji in his clasp. But I am not at present sure about the genuineness of this letter.

pp. 80-81

Shivaji's elaborate protection of his person before going to the interview and his placing an ambush round Afzal's forces cannot be taken as proofs of a treacherous intention. Secret assassination is the favourite weapon of decadent monarchies, and many such murders had taken place in the sultanates of the Deccan before this time, as I showed in detail in the Modern Review, (vol. I. 1907.) Shivaji was fully convinced—and with good reason, as we know,—that Afzal meant treachery. He would have been wanting in common prudence if he had not taken these precautions to save himself.

p. 81

A friend (Prof. A. Rahman) has asked me, "If Afzal meant treachery why did he not keep his troops in readiness for delivering an assault or at least for defending themselves?" My answer is that Afzal believed that the death of Shivaji would lead to the immediate collapse of his upstart power and no attack on his leaderless troops would be necessary. He was, moreover, ignorant of the position and strength of the enemy's forces and did not know that two large Maratha armies had arrived by rapid marches in his neighbourhood.

p. 81

The weight of recorded evidence as well as the probabilities of the case supports the view that Afzal Khan struck the first blow and that Shivaji only committed what Burke calls, a 'preventive murder'.